Tzarich Iyun > “Seder Sheni”: Reflections > Charedim and the State > Ask Not Your Country to Save You—Save Your Country!

Ask Not Your Country to Save You—Save Your Country!

Unlike those who look to the state to coerce their social salvation, Charedi society will only flourish be means of courageous men and women ready to take risks and pay the price for walking a path of integrity. Like in the Chanukkah story, we need Hasmoneans, as the aptly named Charedi brigade suggests, to dispel the darkness.

Kislev 5785 / December 2024

In a recent article published in Israel’s Makor Rishon newspaper (Shabbat, Parshat Vayetzei), Dr. Yehuda Yifrach interviewed three prominent Charedi figures who “wholeheartedly identify with their Charedi identity” yet “harbor a wealth of criticism toward the rabbinic and political leadership of the sector.” According to the interviewer, these individuals are “Torah scholars and learned men from the core of the Lithuanian mainstream,” people who “grew up in well-known aristocratic families, studied in the ‘Ivy League’ of Lithuanian yeshivas, and continue to learn in Kollel institutions while teaching in yeshivas.”

Though Makor Rishon is not a Charedi publication, the article naturally captured the attention of the Charedi readership; I, too, read it carefully. The interviewees indeed express strong criticism of the Haredi community—though that will not be the focus of this piece. Regardless of my agreement or disagreement with their criticism, what particularly struck me was the form of the criticism and the conclusions derived from it. Unfortunately, it seems the interviewees fell into the very trap of the issues they sought to highlight, committing the sin of lashon hara (slander) en route. Among other things, their remarks recall some basic themes of the upcoming Chanukkah celebration.

 

Internal Criticism, External Solution

The question, in the definitive sense, which arises in nearly every encounter between Haredim and non-Haredim, is “What can be done?” The issue of Haredi army service has been around for years. We have attempted the Tal Law. We have tried quotas. We have imposed sanctions to varying degrees. The Netzach Yehuda battalion exists, and even the newly established Chashmonaim brigade. So, what more can be done?

In response to this question, one of the interviewees begins by stating that the opening position is exceedingly difficult. “If you are a yeshiva student, the idea of army enlistment is as distant from your mind as if someone were to tell you, ‘Go to Tibet.'” Therefore, the state must ensure that non-enlistment places the yeshiva student in a highly complex position:

It must be expressed in significant economic pressure: no funding for preschools, no property tax exemptions, no housing lotteries, perhaps even no mortgages. This will be the game-changer. […] We need to pack as much as possible into the ‘criminal’ status of draft dodgers: no driver’s license, no bank accounts, no traveling abroad, and beyond that—no registration for marriage. This will be a serious shock to the system.

“Our leadership normalizes irresponsibility,” he continued, “normalizes recklessness and a lack of accountability, turning people into disabled and underdeveloped individuals”

As mentioned, the interviewees had no shortage of critique for their own community. One shared that he had hoped that, in the face of the “shocking and reckless” behavior during the COVID period, “many would ask themselves: Is this really the public we belong to?” Yet, this did not happen. “Our leadership normalizes irresponsibility,” he continued, “normalizes recklessness and a lack of accountability, turning people into disabled and underdeveloped individuals.” Another interviewee lamented that “we are raising individuals with zero understanding and awareness of the world around them.”

In response to this sharp criticism, the interviewees’ proposed solution was simple and unequivocal: the state. The state will save us! “Don’t take your foot off the gas,” they urged. “If you don’t apply disproportionate pressure on the Charedi community now, you won’t have another opportunity. The force needs to be applied directly to the people, to individuals. […] It must be the kind of pain that young men and yeshiva students cannot escape, that they cannot circumvent.”

In reaction to these harsh statements, I wish to pose two questions. First, should the solution to our problems be the state’s coercive power? Is this the legacy we aspire to? Second, is it legitimate for anonymous Charedi interviewees, too afraid of the consequences to disclose their identities, to implore the state to intervene?

 

The Hellenizers of Makor Rishon

Reading the article brought to mind a series of meetings that took place some time ago—perhaps 15 years or so—between several Charedi individuals and about ten secular public figures, each with an illustrious Wikipedia page. One of these focused on Charedi education and the question of core curriculum studies: How can we equip Charedi students with the tools necessary for life in the 21st century? Many of my Charedi colleagues reached a conclusion similar to that of the interviewees in the article: we should turn to the state to enforce the solution. The state will save us!

For centuries, Jewish education—private education, independent of any state—has been a hallmark of excellence and achievement. In contrast, Israel’s state education system is far from being the envy of the OECD. And now, we come to the state and ask it to educate us?

I remember the surprise of the secular individuals in the room. They had come to the meeting assuming that Charedim were deeply afraid of any state intervention, certainly no less than (classic) liberals who espouse a Tocquevillian disdain for a nanny state. And yet, behold! The Charedim were begging the state to solve their problems! I don’t remember exactly how I responded, but I felt profound discomfort. For centuries, Jewish education—private education, independent of any state—has been a hallmark of excellence and achievement. In contrast, Israel’s state education system is far from being the envy of the OECD. And now, we come to the state and ask it to educate us? Really?

Moreover, is it appropriate to turn to the state—a non-Haredi, non-religious entity—to impose one agenda or another on the community from the outside? If you believe the Charedi community should change its approach in any area—core studies, employment practices, higher education, military service, etc.—then please, kindly address the public itself (whether its leadership or the grassroots) and seek to achieve the desired result. If you fail, it is neither appropriate nor legitimate to impose your personal views on the community through any means, including through the state.

This, indeed, was the method of the Hellenizers during the time of the Hasmonean dynasty, who turned to foreign rulers to impose Hellenistic ways upon the Jews: “To be one people […] to follow the laws of foreign nations, to prevent offerings, sacrifices, and libations in the Temple, to desecrate the Sabbaths and festivals […] to allow children to remain uncircumcised […] and anyone who does not comply with the king’s decree shall die” (1 Maccabees 1:41-50). Of course, I do not intend to make a direct comparison between the circumstances; they are entirely different. However, just as the Hellenizers’ appeal to foreign powers was a grave injustice, regardless of the nature of the decrees, it is equally illegitimate to use the coercive power of government to reform a community. Who gave you the right?

If you believe the Charedi community should change its approach in any area—core studies, employment practices, higher education, military service, etc.—then please, kindly address the public itself […]. If you fail, it is neither appropriate nor legitimate to impose your personal views on the community through any means, including through the state

This is precisely the strategy employed by the Makor Rishon interviewees. It is not the equality of the burden that troubles them but the issue of internal Charedi stagnation. In their view, Haredi youth have become “people with no life skills, extremely underdeveloped,” making military service essential and necessary: “It will help these young men mature, developing a basic sense of responsibility for life.” The Charedi community, on the other hand, does not recognize this, perhaps because it is less ‘enlightened’ (or ‘woke,’ as we might say today) than the esteemed interviewees. However, the solution to this thorny issue is readily available: the coercive force of the state!

 

Ask Not Your Country to Save You

As noted at the outset, I agree with some of the criticisms of the interviewees; with others, I disagree. Certainly, Israel must revise its welfare system so that military service is strongly incentivized—a still untried strategy that is likely to succeed more than draconian punishments. We all react to incentives when they are structured and applied correctly. Yet, this is not the focus of this piece.

More than identifying with the criticism, I was deeply disappointed by the way it was expressed. With the sharpness bred of anonymity, the interviewees claimed that “our leadership normalizes irresponsibility, normalizes recklessness and a lack of accountability, turning people into disabled and underdeveloped individuals.” Indeed, there are far too many instances in which Charedi Judaism relies on ‘others’ to do the work (one example being the judicial reform, which the Charedim supported provided ‘others’ lead it). “The righteous merit that others perform their labor” (Berachos 35). The irony is that the interviewees seem to have fallen into the very trap of their own critique.

Clearly, the interviewees wish to lead an internal reform process, as their words suggest. However, they are unwilling to pay the price of leadership, so they turn to the (nanny) state: let it do the work. They yearn for internal Charedi change, but to achieve this, they ask the state and the religious Zionist readers of Makor Rishon to impose amendments from the outside. Indeed, the interviewer notes that this is likely the primary reason they agreed to the interview. They ensure complete anonymity so that no one, God forbid, will discover their true identities. Like armchair critics, they refuse to dirty their hands.

Rabbi Yosei testified about himself that “I have never said something and then looked back”—out of concern that the subject may overhear. The interviewees, however, would not dare to voice their words within the community. They lack the courage and the willingness to take responsibility

In my view, the method of their reproach—an article in Makor Rishon citing anonymous Haredi critics—is a case of lashon hara. The Gemara teaches that the standard for whether speech constitutes lashon hara is whether the speaker would be willing to say it in front of the subject (Arachin 15b). Indeed, Rabbi Yosei testified about himself that “I have never said something and then looked back”—out of concern that the subject may overhear. The interviewees, however, would not dare to voice their words within the community. They lack the courage and the willingness to take responsibility.

What we need, as the name of the new Haredi brigade suggests, are Hasmoneans—courageous men and women ready to take risks and pay the price for walking a path of integrity, trusting Hashem to support the good. Thanks to such individuals, we have seen impressive progress in many areas that require repair, including the field of education mentioned above, and all without state coercion. Only in this way will we achieve the progress and growth we need. To paraphrase JFK, I would ask my friends and peers, “Ask not your country to save you—save your country!”

Just as during the Chanukkah period, the duty and privilege of kindling the light falls solely upon us. Nobody else can dispel the darkness.

7 thoughts on “Ask Not Your Country to Save You—Save Your Country!

  • Asking the State to “solve” our problems through coercion – isn’t that exactly what Maskilim did in Czarist Russia? Demanding that Jews abandon traditional modes of dress, that traditional educational institutions from chadorim to Yeshivas Volozhyn be closed, that only government approved rabbis (preferably trained by the official Czarist rabbinical seminaries) be certified – we’ve been down this road before, and its tragic results are well know.

  • Would be interesting to hear from political scientists what change looks like in a system without checks and balances.
    Bsorot

  • Why assume that only those with your own position have, or can have, integrity. People with the highest integrity have often differed on major issues.

  • Rabbi Pfeffer,
    The interviewees were asked what they thought re. several issues. They delivered exactly that. But you also wanted these individuals (I don’t know who they are) to reveal their identities. Have you asked yourself why they they insisted on anonymity? Were they cowards? Or perhaps they were concerned of the reaction of the Charedi street which does not shy away from violence whether it’s verbal, physical, or societal. Revealing their identity would likely result also in their families being ostracized with repercussions in the areas of shidduchim for their children, difficulties in enrollment in yeshivos unrelated to their children’s academic performance, attending some shuls , etc. Charedi soldiers have been attacked by hooligans belonging to the Charedi street. I personally saw a Charedi youth throwing an English Art Scroll Gemara to the ground and stepping on it because it was a שתירה to the השקפה of his particular group, notwithstanding the הסכמות of Gedolei Torah printed in the first pages of the volume. I was attacked during the Covid-19 epidemic for wearing a mask by a Charedi youth, again because it was against the הנהגה of his group, notwithstanding the fact that I probably am older than his father. So much for והדרת פני זקן. Do you agree with these people’s conduct? If not, will you plaster a poster in the Charedi neighborhoods criticizing them, with your name and contact information clearly displayed? And if you leave out your name and contact info, from such a poster would you regard yourself guilty of לשון הרע ?

    • Leadership via social coercion shows extreme insecurity.

  • A few thoughts – 1 – the question the role of the State in finding solutions which coerce certain communities. The fact is that the State itself created the problem by financing the ability of ( an unacceptable amount ) to not contribute to the economy, army and even don’t learn that intensely – bitul torah . So the state needs to step in , better in a collaborative way. 2 Change in the Hareidi community . Change has been mainly grass roots , with the Leadership speaking against for eg the academia , women working in certain professions etc speaking for a life suited to our elite students. It is understandable that the leadership does not want to change things, remain with the status quo . It is easier to accept change as a decree , a gezeira , fight against it , rather than making compromises , pain and consequences is a better motivator than rewards. Critics within the community may influence the grass roots but not the mainstream , it is obvious why the anonomity. 3 The example of the Hellenists does not hold when calling in the state to work against Jewish life , when the state is called in to make changes that would minimise chilul Hashem and save lives both physically and spiritually , we have a different discussion.

  • Man oh man you have got this backwards. The IDF draft has nothing to do with security: it’s there to ensure the maximum amount of Jews going into the meat grinder. A Jewish army does not do suicide missions. The purity of arms doctrine is alien to the Torah. The state has no legitimacy or authority to conscript AT ALL.

    https://www.hyehudi.org/reframe-the-military-draft-is-a-human-rights-issue-affecting-all-israelis/

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