Israel’s right-wing political takeover by Menachem Begin is often dubbed “The 1977 revolution.” This week, however, we experienced a far more significant revolution—”The 2022 revolution”—in which the religious, for the first time, have come to power. Based on the winners and losers of the election for the 25th Knesset, it seems certain that the new government will have a majority of religiously observant members. Of the four parties set to join forces in the upcoming coalition, three are religious (two are Charedi), including half the total number of seats (32 of 64). If we include several religious Likkud Knesset members, we reach a clear religious majority. Netanyanu, for the first time in his life, will be at the secular extreme of the new government.
Netanyanu, for the first time in his life, will be at the secular extreme of the new government
For long decades, the Charedi parties were considered the illegitimate children of Israeli politics, while Ben-Gvir and his Chardal (national-Charedi) friends were perpetually scratching the electoral threshold without quite making it. Now, however, matters have turned about 180 degrees. From number-fillers at best, Charedi parties have become a substantial part of the ruling majority, and the entire government can be classified as religious/Charedi. Just several years ago, nobody would have entertained the thought. It is truly a revolution.
The prominent agenda of the new government will be Israel’s status as a Jewish State. As election results demonstrate, most of Israel’s Jewish population favors a set of arrangements that defines the “Jewishness” of the State of Israel, including Shabbat, Kashrut, marriage laws, and distinctly Jewish public sphere. However, over many years key offices and institutions—education, culture, law, and the senior echelons of Israel’s civil service—were controlled by a left-wing minority opposed to anything connected to religion. A good illustration, elaborated on by Avrum Tomer,[1] is Israel’s Education Ministry. Notwithstanding long years of right-wing governments, Israel’s educational curriculum continued its long slide toward less Torah and religious content. In Israel, explained Erez Tadmor in his popular book, “you vote right but you get left.”[2]
The incoming government will put a stop to this. For the first time in Israeli political history, the religious have an opportunity to reverse the secular trend led over seventy years by Israel’s traditional elites. Members of the new government do not belong to the secular establishment, nor are they surrendered to it, as were the old Mafdal (religious-Zionist) party and Likkud princes such as Reuven Rivlin and Benny Begin. They are proudly religious.
This is the opportunity that stands before the new government. It has the capacity for governance, for the majority rule of democratic representatives rather than an oligarchical dictatorship of progressive elites
The new government will not be a coercive one. Unlike some of the vicious and unscrupulous remarks made by some on the Israeli left, no individual is about to lose his rights and freedoms, and claims to the contrary are based on emotions at best. Nobody on the religious right is interested in coercing religious observance, and neither Charedim nor anyone else wants Israel to become Iran (or even Turkey, for that matter). Personal freedoms will not be threatened, but the makeup of curriculum authors, academic commissioners, cultural boards, and committee members for every issue under the sun will diversify and shift over time.
This is the opportunity that stands before the new government. It has the capacity for governance, for the majority rule of democratic representatives rather than an oligarchical dictatorship of progressive elites. Decision-makers ought to be connected to the people rather than detached from them, and a connection with Israel’s people means a connection to Jewish tradition and Jewish destiny. The opportunity, writ large—and without meaning to sound messianic—is to take a step toward becoming a kingdom of priests and a holy nation.
Yet, these achievements cannot be attained without overcoming several hurdles. Below, I will focus on the two most significant issues that Charedi parties will need to resolve to realize, even partially, the potential of the upcoming government.
Are We Ready to Rule?
Notwithstanding the symbolic importance of the recent political triumph, there remains ample room for concern about the short-term future. The religious parties, particularly the Charedi ones, have over several decades become accustomed to lobbyist politics at best—the colloquial shtadlanus—and to tribal maneuvering at worst. The long list of embarrassing statements made by incoming UTJ chairman Yitzchak Goldknopf, most of them indicating one or both political attitudes, has caused widespread discomfort and raises the troubling question of whether the first religious government of Israel might become an unfortunate spectacle of Chillul Hashem.
The “authorities” are us, and we need to ensure the long-term prosperity of the State rather than spending down resources for short-term goals. If Charedi representatives fail to do so and continue to follow tribal strategies they stand the risk of fueling already existing tensions to new levels of animosity
Among incoming Charedi Knesset members, some continue to perceive themselves in the traditional image of Jews seeking to procure all they can from unjust and unscrupulous non-Jewish authorities—lehatzil miyadam, as the halachic expression states, “to rescue what we can from their hands.”[3] But this attitude will backfire. The authorities are “us,” not “them,” and our goals must include ensuring the long-term prosperity of the State rather than spending down resources for short-term needs. If Charedi representatives fail to do so and continue to follow tribal strategies they stand the risk of fueling already existing tensions to new levels of animosity. As representatives of religion, the backlash will not be limited to Charedim but will apply, Heaven forbid, to Judaism in general.
It is up to our representatives to rise to the challenge and take responsibility. It is also time for us, the general Charedi public, to do the same. We need to change our own mindset and demand accountability from our representatives. We are no longer a lone sheep among seventy wolves. The familiar narrative whereby Charedi politics aim to protect the faithful flock from the dangers of hateful predators does not hold water. If we need proof, a glance at Israel’s electoral map should do the trick. UTJ has more seats than Liberman’s Yisrael Beitenu, and Shas is electorally far stronger than (the left-wing) Avoda and Meretz combined. We are the majority; both our representatives and we need to internalize the responsibilities this implies.
If we succeed, this moment could be the beginning of many years of essential service in Israel’s government. If we don’t, we are likely to lose the opportunity all too quickly. It is up to us.
Stop the Tribalism
The most significant threat to the Charedi parties is the tribalism deeply entrenched in Charedi political culture. Tribalism, of course, has no special connection with Judaism. It has defined human interaction from times of antiquity and being a primordial and natural tendency, it continues to thrive in the absence of a strong political culture that provides a counterbalance. The tribal disposition has two main expressions. One is nepotism, a politics that protects and promotes the strong while oppressing the weak, and which includes no small measure of corruption. The second is a confrontational and often violent approach to rival tribes.
In a tribal political environment, the strong—those with the right family names and the right connections—will always thrive at the expense of the weak. The Torah’s ideas of fairness and equality, of “You shall have one standard for stranger and citizen alike” (Vayikra 24:22), are entirely foreign to the tribal mentality. The case of Charedi preschool teachers who were trodden underfoot by political machinery serves as a good example of the moral distortions of a tribal group: female preschool teachers, who find their place somewhere near the bottom of the tribal food chain, were left unprotected at the mercy of those ready to exploit them.[4] By contrast, the same political machinery was ready to lend its weight and support to a woman who had injured her female students in the most contemptible ways only because she was a well-connected school principal.[5]
In tribal politics, the only law is the benefit of the tribe elders. Those in positions of power will be given every concession and benefit, while those lower down the order will have to comply with the standard set of rules. Such politics represent the diametric opposite of a Torah education that stresses the good of the weak, the poor, the orphan, the stranger, and the widow.
In the tribal mindset, the national arena is merely an opportunity to meet the needs of the tribe and promote its success
The second defining characteristic of tribal politics is the concern for tribe members alone and the delegitimization of those who threaten it. Whenever a conflict between groups arises, tribal politics are vengeful and resentful, and they know no mercy. The only relevant consideration is the tribal good, which serves as a potential justification for any and every atrocity. The elders and followers of a rival tribe can be subject to public humiliation and disgrace; their source of income can be denied, and all will be done to debase, degrade, devalue, and demean those who threaten the tribe’s prosperity.
Moreover, even when there is no concrete threat to the tribe, tribal politics are entirely self-centered. They do not know such concepts as “nation,” “state,” or “citizenship.” They think exclusively in terms of one tribe pitted against others. In the tribal mindset, the national arena is merely an opportunity to meet the needs of the tribe and promote its flourishing.[6]
Sadly, Charedi politics are riddled with telltale signs of intense tribalism. The primordial disposition toward exclusive care for tribe members is alive and well in the Charedi mindset, and in inter-tribe disputes all available resources are deployed to crush the rival tribe, be it the alternative Gur faction, “working Charedim,” or the dissident Jerusalem Faction. Internally, nepotism and deep concern for those at the top of the social ladder are rife; the Leifer episode and Walder’s bane are but the tip of the iceberg.
On a symbolic level, the most outrageous instance of Charedi political tribalism is the campaign messaging of Degel Ha-Torah. In the last elections, the main thrust of the campaign involved a picture of the Ponivezh Rosh Yeshiva Rabbi Gershon Edelstein, with the caption “we shall heed his voice,” alongside the election slogan “Our entire will is doing their will.” The ordinary “You shall do all they instruct” was apparently insufficient this time, leading party campaigners to employ Torah wording reserved for Hashem alone. Rabbi Edelstein, who stands at the top of our tribal pyramid, was raised to Divine status, no less. Our will is no longer doing Hashem’s, but rather “our entire will is doing their will.”
This abuse of sacred texts goes hand in hand with such offenses as discrimination against Sephardi students, ruthless campaigns against perceived threats, and other undesirable phenomena that continue notwithstanding the best efforts of rabbinic leadership to quell them. They are the unfortunate result of a tribal disposition that left to its own devices can be extremely harmful. How, in the context of the new government, can it be overcome? The answer, mainly, is with some external assistance.
Among the tasks of the incoming government will thus be to rehabilitate Israel’s basic regulatory bodies and ensure they can perform their crucial function of preventing the infiltration of tribal culture into government ranks
State institutions include a range of regulatory bodies that aim to check, balance, and critique government actions. These include Knesset committees, the prosecution, the state comptroller, and, of course, free media. These bodies, in an ideal situation, ought to combat tribal tendencies and ensure that the government does its work based on clear and objective standards, with transparency, and with full accountability. Unfortunately, certain players have manipulated these bodies in recent years to achieve narrow political interests, turning them, to a degree, into vehicles for undermining the legitimacy of an elected government. This, of course, can be highly damaging in the long term.
Among the tasks of the incoming government will thus be to rehabilitate Israel’s basic regulatory bodies and ensure they can perform their crucial function of preventing the infiltration of tribal culture into government ranks. It is hard to imagine the Charedi parties and representatives themselves working to achieve this aim, but coalition partners must take responsibility to ensure that the different bodies are functioning as they should.
Taking Responsibility
The second trap that awaits Charedi parties is the lobby mindset: shtadlanus. Over many years, Charedi politics have been characterized by a narrative of “a single lamb among seventy wolves.” This mindset, imported to Israel from the harsh political realities of Russia, Poland, and other countries of Eastern and Western Europe, dictates an attitude of salvaging whatever can be salvaged from the hands of our oppressors. Observing recent Charedi election campaigns, including the current one, one could plausibly think that Gafni and Eichler are a modern-day version of Mordechai and Esther, imploring Achashveroch to save the Jews from Haman’s evil decrees.
This, of course, is a distorted description of Israel’s reality: today, Charedi numbers far exceed those of Israel’s anti-religious seculars, and we certainly don’t act as helpless lambs. But moreover, the attitude itself is deeply damaging in that it exempts Charedim from taking responsibility—first and foremost for themselves and also for the rest of Israel’s citizens.
The mindset described above detaches Israel’s economic, defense, social, and cultural condition from Charedi awareness. We are thus absolved of responsibility: Preoccupied with saving ourselves from pursuers, we surely cannot lead the country
Discussions around Charedi responsibility often focus on the economic arena. The claim, which to a large degree reflects the Charedi mindset, is that Charedim do not see themselves as responsible for Israel’s economic future—not that of Charedi society nor, of course, that of broader Israel. But the issue goes beyond economics. The mindset described above detaches Israel’s economic, defense, social, and cultural condition from Charedi awareness. We are thus absolved of responsibility: Preoccupied with saving ourselves from pursuers, we surely cannot lead the country. “They,” the other tribes (or “the Goyim”) are supposed to run Israel. It is up to Achashverosh, not the Charedim, to place a tax on the different provinces under his rule.
There is no reason why this situation should continue perpetually. Of course, Charedim are justifiably wary of becoming fully integrated into Israeli society, including academic institutions whose values are distant from those of Charedi society—the secular elites remain kings of the campuses—and a culture that Charedim consider to be corrosive and promiscuous. Yet, this does not mean that Charedi society must remain segregated and provincial. If we’ve made it to government as a proud part of Israel’s majority, we can surely suggest good alternatives to secular academia. Rather than fortifying our isolationism and denying ourselves the privilege of taking responsibility for Israel’s physical and spiritual future, we need to take the opportunity to ensure that we can rise to these responsibilities without undermining all that defines the social goods we treasure. This is not an impossibility. It is a must.
On a practical note, the incoming government with Netanyahu at its helm needs to demand active involvement from its Charedi partners. Among Charedi Knesset members are excellent and talented politicians who can provide a great service on behalf of Israel’s citizens—all of them. The question of whether they do so or whether they take the familiar route of warding off secular attacks and looking after self-interest depends, to a high degree, on the internal dynamic of the coalition. Charedi representatives must internalize that entry into government as part of the ruling majority demands a change in attitude not merely on the part of their partners. They, too, need to change their attitude; and better sooner rather than later.
[1] See https://hashiloach.org.il/post-zionism-and-post-excellence/
[2] See https://mida.org.il/2021/01/21/%D7%A4%D7%A8%D7%A7-%D7%9E%D7%A1%D7%A4%D7%A8-%D7%9E%D7%93%D7%95%D7%A2-%D7%90%D7%AA%D7%94-%D7%9E%D7%A6%D7%91%D7%99%D7%A2-%D7%99%D7%9E%D7%99%D7%9F/.
[3] In a piece published by Yisrael Eichler in Mishpacha Magazine [Hebrew], he declared that we (the Charedim) need to learn from the ways of Mansour Abbas, and to milk the State as much as we can. “We desire no positions,” he stated. “We only demand achievement for the group we represent, the type they can go to the grocery store with.” See: https://he.mishpacha.com/column/%d7%9c%d7%90-%d7%a9%d7%a8%d7%a8%d7%94-%d7%aa%d7%9b%d7%9c%d7%a1/.
[4] See https://www.bhol.co.il/news/749512.
[5] See https://www.makorrishon.co.il/opinion/162251/.
[6] Yisrael Eichler’s column, above note 3.
Picture: Amos ben Gershom, La’am.
There are two components to the needed mindset of the new government:
1. To care genuinely for the welfare of the nation as a whole
2. To appoint ministers and staff at all levels who are properly motivated and competent to do their jobs.
The nature of governing coalitions and component parties in the Israeli system will make this path very hard to follow, but there is no other way to gain public confidence and sanctify HaShem’s name in public. The PM and other party leaders have to set the right tone from the start, no matter how they governed in the past. As JFK, an imperfect vessel if there ever was one, said, “Ask not what your country can do for you,. Ask what you can do for your country.”
This will never happen so long as the haredi apparatchiks are merely the hand picked puppets of self-anointed or hereditary gedolim who are disconnected from reality, receiving only the self-serving and distorted information distilled by so-called askanim.
As mentioned in the article many people in the Charedi parties see themselves as fighting against the “evils” of the “Medinah”. However, I feel that (like many articles on this topic) the focus needs to be shifted away from the politicians and to the Rabbinic leadership. Yes, the politicians are the ones on the ground but the Moetzes and Rabbinic leadership have a significant, and perhaps defining, role in dictating the attitude.
The simple fact of the matter is that the Rabbinic leadership view Charedi involvement as a total B’dieved act of Hishtadlus – as I heard from a prominent Charedi Rav and Dayan who is closely involved, there is not really not much difference ideologically between those Charedim who consider it a Mitzvah to vote and those who consider it an Aveirah; they both hold of the “Rishus” of the Memshalah, the question is whether we need to do a minimal Hishtadlus to protect our interests or not, in which case we need to stay as far away as possibly possible.
With that attitude there really is no hope for the ideals set forth in this article – however much Charedi politicians think otherwise and however much many Charedim think otherwise (which is a considerably growing sector). Indeed, this attitude is symbolised by the decision of Gimmel to refuse any ministerial positions so as not to be held responsible for the actions of the government – in fact the Charedi’s leadership mindset is so far removed from the ideals set forth in this article that however much some individuals may act otherwise I see no hope for any realisation of these lofty ideals.
Excellent article but quite depressing reading because unless charadi politicians are of similar thinking it’s likely they won’t heed the call. Hoping you sent your analysis to them.
The truth of the matter is that much in the Haredi world depends on the people more than the leadership, which is totally reactive rather than proactive, as we’ve seen on many occasions. Once the general mindset changes, which is happening – this site, which I understand is far bigger and more popular in Hebrew than it is in English (see how many comments the Hebrew articles get), is just one indication – the leadership will follow suit.
Even among the leadership – rabbinic and political – there is a huge divergence (just think about Goldknopf vs. Pindrus or the Gerrer Rebbe vs. Rabbi Asher Weiss, who for good reasons isn’t part of the political game), so the infrastructure is there. It depends on the people.
The equating of Charedim to Arabs by some Charedi politicians, which I’ve seen several times, is a tragedy and a travesty. Do we really want to be like the Arabs and treated like the Arabs, or do we want to see the State as our home and be a part of molding its future? I hope that Charedim will agree with the latter, and, if so, it means they need to take the kind of responsibility that the article calls for.
The equating of Charedim to Arabs by some Charedi politicians, which I’ve seen several times, is a tragedy and a travesty. Do we really want to be like the Arabs and treated like the Arabs, or do we want to see the State as our home and be a part of molding its future? I hope that Charedim will agree with the latter, and, if so, it means they need to take the kind of responsibility that the article calls for.
Let’s call a spade a spade. This piece, and others on Tzarich Iyun, ultimately calls for the Charedim to be a little bit less Charedi. Or a lot less. You can’t maintain the Charedi ideology of isolation and detachment while also being part of the State and the army and the economy and the workforce and whatever. You have to take your choice. Charedim don’t want to be like the modern Orthodox or the Dati Leumi community, which is why they reject the premises of this article.
“Charedim don’t want to be like the modern Orthodox or the Dati Leumi community, which is why they reject the premises of this article.” — Yes but they do want them and the rest of the normative citizens to pay for their isolation, refusal to work, and insistence on having many children without assuming responsibility for their welfare. Not to mention defense, roads, electricity, food, transportation, medical care etc etc etc
Yes but you also can’t be isolated and detatched when you are the majority or at the very least a large and powerful minority. That’s immature and manipulative, a way of taking for your tribal needs but avoiding responsibility for anyone else’s needs.
I can only pray that Haredi parties change their stripes and adopt policies for the national good. As Stanley Fischer noted, the Hareidi opposition to secular studies imposes a 6% baseline for underemployment. Will that somehow be magically lifted? Will we again have CRs who worry about all of Israel?
I would welcome such change, but I remain skeptical. If such change does not occur, this government will quickly fall. Remember the raw vote, absent the 3.5% thresholds, was almost even; past tribalism will likely produce a dramatic shift next time.
Not accepting ministries and adopting the deputy minister sham, does not support your optimistic view. And Deri’s hot-mike moment tells you where that felon’s mindset remains.
Halevai, but don’t hold your breathe
As Charedim realize that work is not a four letter world they will have an opportunity to be Mkadesh Shem Shamayim and demonstrate that one can be a Talmid Chacham Lamdan and even be Mchaber Seforim Gdolim in a secular world and not just subjects of academic scrutiny American Yeshivishe and Chasidishe communities have shown that this is very desirable option and in no way a Bdieved choice
Hershel Brodsky, I find it odd that you appear to believe that the Gerrer Rebbe is a rabbinic leader like Rav Asher Weiss, who you correctly characterize as apolitical. Some of Gerrer Rabbeim of the past were major Rabbinic leaders, the current Rebbe is as much a political leader as he is a Rabbinic leader.
However, I believe your basic point is correct. Change will come bottom-up,; leaders of various types have too much invested in the status-quo.
The new government will not be a coercive one.
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I hope you are right but the balance of the piece shows that if Newton’s first law holds that will be exactly what will result (coercive as including changes in the definition of a Jew, tax income allocation to those who are purposely not gainfully employed….)
KT
I would suggest waiting before writing. Rejecting the Rav ztl’s distinction between a people of fate and a people of faith, Hareidim are already looking to restrict immigration, disallowing those who Nazis and other anti-Semites would kill from automatic citizenship. And it gets worse from there.
The only thing encouraging in all this, as Hareidim and the rightists of the Ben Gvir ilk, continue on their way, is the Israeli public will wake up to the evil of Netanyahu and with whom he will cooperate to remain in power. Togfastah merubeh lo tofastah.
Sadly, Hareidim will have to suffer before they change. Forget about leadership changing its stripes, the public they supposedly represent will have to lead the way.
What I see as the defining moment of this new government will be the annexation of all lands previously given to Hamas and the PLO ostensibly for peace. If this new government is truly religious and conservative I don’t see any way they can escape this very important issue. They will refer to the original promise made to them by God that the entire West Bank would be their land of promise. The Nation Israel is history bound to reaffirm this promise. Look to the not too distant future for this ideal to come to the fore in Israeli politics
The construct accepted by the secular conventional wisdom as the “Jewish democratic state” has to be examined critically. Many of the elected and mostly unelected secular leaders and opinion molders have held a debate out of two sides of their mouths as to whether the Israeli state should be primarily Jewish or democratic. The truth is that the secular clique wants it to be neither. Recent statements by interim PM Lapid in refusing to submit the sea border treaty or agreement to the Knesset for approval bears that out as well as statements by Professor Asa (lo) Kasher, the so-called authority on ethics. Part of the religious response to these bare-faced lies should be a really honest Torah-based critique of what government of a Jewish state should be, basing itself on Torah sources especially Rambam Hil. Melachim as well as the body of thought regarding takkanot kehilot, in which the one-man one-vote approach was contrasted by property ownership. Those possessed of more bekius than myself should address these issues. The sforim of Rav Kook and Rav Goren are also worth consulting.